With Zohran Mamdani’s ascent to Gracie Mansion, a democratic socialist is now chief executive for the largest municipal bureaucracy in the United States, meaning that he oversees the daily activities of roughly 300,000 employees. Most of these employees are what the political scientist Michael Lipsky called “street-level bureaucrats”: the teachers, firefighters, cops, bus drivers, and others whose jobs put them into direct and regular contact with civilians. But they also include the urban planners, economists, analysts, and administrators who operate behind the scenes and at the higher echelons of city government: the people who help write the city’s budget, study traffic patterns, and run grant and incentive programs.

It is this latter category of civil servants that will be tasked with turning the cumbersome machinery of city government in the direction indicated by Mamdani and his political appointees. Implementing a sewer socialist agenda in New York City will be, to a great extent, an enormously complicated technical exercise, carried out by a small army of trained technicians.

  • Basic Glitch@sh.itjust.worksOP
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    15 days ago

    The foundations were a problem. The response to the problem was reconstruction (not demolition) and the civil rights movement, and both faced opposition and subterfuge while they were being built.

    To me, if I needed a home, and somebody gave me an old house with a fucked up foundation that had already been repaired a few times, and had a lot of bad memories attached, it’s more rational to repair the foundation again, and know that I’ll need to reinforce it in the future because it’s just a fact of reality that houses always settle and shift over time. Then I would remodel the house to make it my own instead of just burning it all down and starting from scratch.

    Especially when burning the house down is also the goal of my enemy who wants to steal the land and rebuild a house that I won’t be welcome to live in.

    • freagle@lemmy.ml
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      15 days ago

      The response to the problem was reconstruction (not demolition) and the civil rights movement, and both faced opposition and subterfuge while they were being built.

      And both failed to address the foundation, which is why we are where we are. Reconstruction and the Civil Rights Movement are evidence supporting my position.

      Especially when burning the house down is also the goal of my enemy who wants to steal the land and rebuild a house that I won’t be welcome to live in.

      This is confused logic. As it turns out, your enemy has far more income with the foundation builders than either do with you. You may see DJT as a totally evil human being, what with the human trafficking and rape and corrupt use of power for self-enrichment and what not. But he’s nothing compared to Thomas Jefferson who literally built and managed breeding plantations, where trafficked humans were raped and their children taken from them and sold as slaves. Thomas Jefferson kept a slave girl in a small room attached to his bedroom with no windows and only one door. And then, when he tried to use his power to end the transatlantic slave trade. Why? Because he wanted to charge a higher price for his “domestically bred slaves”.

      OK? Do you get it now? The foundation was built by your enemies too. Your enemies don’t want to burn the whole thing down. They want to remove those reforms you talked about. They want to get rid of your remodel, revert it back the way it was, and then continue living on that foundation.

      You are confused because you think somehow your current enemies are abberations trying to destroy everything when they’re actually the norm and they’re trying to destroy everything YOU care about and keep everything they care about.

      • Basic Glitch@sh.itjust.worksOP
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        15 days ago

        You seem to be confusing my opinion differing from yours with me being “confused.” I’ll assume this is just a simple misunderstanding, because as a member of the reality based community, I really don’t like when people try to gaslight and create other people’s reality for them. It’s kind of a shitty and manipulative thing to do.

        This is still America, at least until THEY destroy it, and it’s important to me that we’re still allowed to disagree even if you don’t see things that way.

        In his recent book Why Nothing Works, Marc Dunkelman refers to this tendency as “Jeffersonian progressivism,” or a preference for “pushing power down and out” over the more “Hamiltonian” strategy of building strong, centralized institutions to serve progressive goals. The Jeffersonian-versus-Hamiltonian dichotomy is a little too schematic, but it does gesture toward a real tension within the American left. On the one hand, the left needs a muscular state—capable of overseeing large-scale infrastructure projects and redistributive programs—to realize its vision. On the other hand, there exists a strain of leftist thought that is inclined to reject anything that smacks of hierarchy, centralization, formal rules, and decisions made through any process other than consensus. Some leftists find themselves negotiating an uneasy compromise between these twin imperatives; others embrace one or the other.

        Mamdani and some other high-profile figures of the socialist left, most notably Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, have shown a pronounced interest in the uses of state power and public administration. But the left’s anti-bureaucratic wing, influenced by C. Wright Mills, Students for a Democratic Society, and other pillars of the New Left, remains alive and well.

        Instead of retreating into facile cynicism about the safety net and regulatory state, people on the left should be trying to occupy the bureaucracy at the state, local, and, after the MAGA putschists are finally expelled from power, federal level—not simply because we need good people in those jobs, but because enough good people in any given department can change its internal culture for the better.

        • freagle@lemmy.ml
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          15 days ago

          You seem to be confusing my opinion differing from yours with me being “confused"

          Apologies. What I meant was that you are confused about what your enemies are doing. That’s a reality. They are not destroying the foundations. They are returning to the foundations.

          This is still America

          Yes, the land built on indigenous genocide by European settlers. You need to remember what happened in the 1970s AIM trials - the US judges ultimately based their arguments on the Doctrine of Discovery, literally they word of the pope saying that the savages in the world could be enslaved, assimilated, and killed if they resisted. I know 50 years feels like a long time ago, and that it probably your enemies that made that argument, but Ruth Bader Ginsberg wrote a majority opinion for SCOTUS and literally said the same thing - US territorial claims are founded on the Doctrine of Discovery.

          So yes, it’s still America. A euro-centric white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. That’s reality.

          at least until THEY destroy it

          Your enemies, the Trumpers and ICE and whatever, are not trying to destroy America. They are trying to reform it and bend it back to the foundations of genocide, enslavement, mass murder, environmental extraction, etc. Reconstruction and Civil Rights were REFORMS on top of that foundation. And it didn’t get very far - the cops still killed black people without any consequences, black people were still disproportionately in prison doing slave labor, the US was killing millions around the world and both parties supported it as did the news papers and technology companies.

          These are not differences of opinion. These are historical facts, from before the founding to the actions of Democrat presidents and politicians literally up to the present day.

          • Basic Glitch@sh.itjust.worksOP
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            15 days ago

            You’re right and we don’t have a difference of opinion on the historical facts, but we do disagree on why previous attempts to repair the foundation have failed to prevent future attacks, and who actually benefits most from burning it all down and stripping away the rights and protections oligarchs have been fighting against for hundreds of years.

            How the south won the civil war: Democracy, Oligarchy, and the fight for the soul of America

            As Edmund Morgan observes in American Slavery, American Freedom, the seeming paradox of American republicanism was the simultaneous emergence of slavery and freedom in the colonial world. From the outset, the American idea of freedom was exclusive: It was for property-owning men only and was based on the enslavement of people of African descent. The Virginian founding fathers solved the problem of inequality by simply enslaving a racially outcast working poor and at the same time elevating the status of all white men, slaveholders and nonslaveholders alike.

            For Richardson, the American paradox is a bit different: Slavery and democracy were opposing forces rather than constitutive of each other. She traces the birth of oligarchy, democracy’s enemy, to the ship that brought about 20 enslaved Africans to the British North American mainland in 1619. From then until today, she argues, the history of the United States has been a history of the conflict between democracy and oligarchy. For Morgan, American democracy was based on slavery; for Richardson, though she relies on Morgan’s book, American oligarchy has always rested on combining elite domination with racial and economic inequality. Ever since the arrival of that ship, she maintains, the American republic has allowed its elites to conflate “class and race,” thereby giving them “the language to take over the government and undermine democracy.”

            At many points in American history, oligarchy—from the slaveholding elite to the robber barons of the Gilded Age—has had the upper hand. But repeatedly, ordinary Americans, especially those who were disenfranchised, like women and African Americans, have pushed back, leading to the triumph of democracy with slavery’s abolition, women’s suffrage, and the enactment of the New Deal and civil rights legislation. By offering an account of the forces of both democratic progress and oligarchic reaction, Richardson provides historical detail to Corey Robin’s argument in The Reactionary Mind, which traced the antidemocratic origins of American conservatism while offering insight into the democratic forces that resisted it. While Robin situates American conservatism in the longue durée of a Western reactionary philosophical tradition, Richardson locates it in a quintessentially Southern political tradition of oligarchy: anti-statism combined with virulent racism and misogyny. For Robin, too, the proslavery ideology exemplified American conservatism. But for Richardson, after the Civil War, the West and eventually the Republican Party helped reinvent the South’s language of oligarchy with an appeal to individualism that overlays a reactionary commitment to racial hierarchy and opposition to a welfare state.

            I very much agree with Richardson, and believe the battle of oligarchy against democracy is easily traced to the origins of not just Trump, but also the national conservative movement and Project 2025.

            Your enemies, the Trumpers and ICE and whatever, are not trying to destroy America. They are trying to reform it and bend it back to the foundations.

            I think we partially agree here, but I think you’re ignoring the fact that there has always been pushback by Americans against oligarchy and hypocrisy in favor of democracy, and that by downplaying or pretending that pushback and rebellion against the hypocrisy didn’t exist, you’re ignoring very important social battles fought following the civil war and the civil rights movement, and you’re inadvertently accomplishing the goal of the New Right/Nat Cons, which is to argue that some fictional idealized past they seek to return to, was a past that ever existed.

            The founding fathers signed their names to paper documenting their hypocrisy, but they didn’t build this country. This is not their country and it never will be. Slavery built this country, women built this country, marginalized people built this country and fought very hard for the rights they knew they deserved. Immigrants who came in different waves faced and continue to face backlash and discrimination, yet with each new wave they continue to build this country and make it great.

            After the civil war and following the civil rights movement the Republican party embraced the southern strategy and a (failed) Goldwater campaign for presidency. From there the roots of the Heritage Foundation and Project 2025 begin to emerge, and although the origin of the new right movement is often associated with the pro life movement, this is incorrect. The Heritage foundation and the moral majority can be traced to Bob Jones University and anger over the fact that the federal government would not grant segregation academies tax exemption status.

            The founder of heritage and the new right movement Paul Weyrich, literally stated in 1999, that he had accepted conservatives had lost the cultural war, but believed the failure of the movement was in trying to change American institutions rather than creating new conservative institutions. In 2001, his mentee at the Free Congress Foundation helped him compose the conservative manual The Integration of Theory and Practice

            "Our movement will be entirely destructive, and entirely constructive. We will not try to reform the existing institutions. We only intend to weaken them, and eventually destroy them. We will endeavor to knock our opponents off-balance and unsettle them at every opportunity. All of our constructive energies will be dedicated to the creation of our own institutions…" "We will maintain a constant barrage of criticism against the Left. We will attack the very legitimacy of the Left. We will not give them a moment’s rest. We will endeavor to prove that the Left does not deserve to hold sway over the heart and mind of a single American. We will offer constant reminders that there is an alternative, there is a better way. When people have had enough of the sickness and decay of today’s American culture, they will be embraced by and welcomed into the New Traditionalist movement. The rejection of the existing society by the people will thus be accomplished by pushing them and pulling them simultaneously." "We will use guerrilla tactics to undermine the legitimacy of the dominant regime. We will take advantage of every available opportunity to spread the idea that there is something fundamentally wrong with the existing state of affairs. … contribute to a vague sense of uneasiness and dissatisfaction with existing society. … We need to break down before we can build up. We must first clear away the flotsam of a decayed culture."

            2024 The Radical Mind: The Origins of Right-Wing Catholic and Protestant Coalition Building

            Rather than working to conserve the past, this book argues that the New Christian Right is fundamentally a forward-looking and proactive movement focused on remaking the political landscape in the United States.

            The radical aims of the New Christian Right have been obscured by the way they cultivated a shared identity of victimhood and manipulated the discourse about backlash to create a nostalgic idea of the past that they then leveraged to justify their right-wing policy goals. The Catholic-Protestant alliance constructed an imagined past that they projected into the future as their ideal vision of society. Ebin calls this strategy “prefigurative traditionalism”—a paradoxical prefiguring of a manufactured past. Using this tactic, the New Christian Right coalition disguised the radicality of its politics by framing their aims as reactionary and defensive rather than proactive and offensive.

            • freagle@lemmy.ml
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              15 days ago

              Nice analysis! Yes, the contradiction between liberty and slavery is at the heart of liberalism. Liberalism, beyond its espousing of values, also has a theory of power. Because liberalism emerged in monarchical aristocratic societies, it inherently bears the shape of the . But it also emerged as an attempt formalize and abstract the changes that mercantilism brought about.

              What this resulted in was a philosophy of individual liberty in opposition to the subjugation before a monarch, but predicated on the fact that individuals could go make fortunes through imperial adventurism. And in fact, while it stated in its abstract values “liberty for all”, it fundamentally seated power in private property, which was necessary because the only way to scale up mercantile adventures was through the raising of debts from as many wealth people as possible. Mercantilism is what ended driving the first ever instance of common stock.

              Private property allowed land (and common stock in large adventures) to be pulled away from the control of the sovereign and aligned well with the abstract values around individualism. But it’s clear that liberty for all is impossible if power is seated in private property. The vast vast vast majority of humans do not own private property. They could not invest in mercantile adventures. They could not buy land to create breeding plantations. Liberalism has held this contradiction since its emergence.

              Private property and liberty for all are contradictory. Obviously we see this with chattel slavery. But equally we see it with the robber barons, the great depression, the opium trade, the imperialism, the necolonialism, the oil theft, the CIA overthrow of elected governments in order to control oil and weatlh.

              The values of liberalism are in contradiction with the mechanics of liberalism. This is why liberatory movements of the last 150 years have been revolutionary. Not because the desire is to burn everything down but because destroying the foundation of the power structure of liberalism is required to finally resolve the contradiction of liberalism and move into liberation - a movement that champions the values all humans intuitively understand while breaking from the systems of power that betray them.

              To your original point, this is why we cannot merely corrupt the bureaucracy. You cannot merely put good people in the Senate. It’s impossible. The Senate is structurally minoritarian. It privileges land over people. It enshrines the power mechanics of liberalism which are in contradiction with its values. The only solution for the Senate is abolition. That would require a wholesale change to the Constitution. But then you’d have to do it 51 times, because the states all replicated it in their constitution. And that’s just one bureaucratic structural issue. You’d still have to deal with common law, which privileges owners over the masses. You’d have to deal with private property law, which privileges owners over the masses. You’d have to deal with intellectual property law. And on and on and on.

              It’s not the people in power that are the problem. It’s the structure of the power. The power structure was built by liberalism. The contradiction is not accidental, it is inherent. The solution is to remove the liberalism and move beyond it to the next phase of human society - a society that merges power and liberation together and actively structures itself around the resolution of contradiction, not merely the management of it.

              • Basic Glitch@sh.itjust.worksOP
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                15 days ago

                So post liberalism?

                The values of liberalism are in contradiction with the mechanics of liberalism.

                It enshrines the power mechanics of liberalism which are in contradiction with its value

                Not sure what you mean by this? Liberalism simply promotes equal values and protections for everyone. Owning land isn’t inherently contradictory to liberalism as long as everyone is allowed opportunity to own land. When the law is abused to favor land owners in a society and prevent others from accessing the same opportunities, it is opposed to liberalism. However the laws that stack the deck in favor of land owners are typically created by anti-egalitarian conservatives to ensure wealth is maintained within the same families by passing estates down from one generation to the next without taxing them.

                Taxing land is not only a liberal policy it’s one of the most justified forms of taxation along with inheritance tax, yet conservatives paint both forms of taxation as government tyranny. So filling the Senate with people who aren’t opposed to justified taxation would seem to solve that problem very quickly. Again, you seem to be inadvertently making popular arguments that are often used by the right when attacking liberalism.

                Nudging Toward Theocracy: Adrian Vermeule’s War on Liberalism

                Liberalism has been an easy target in recent years, blamed for everything from climate change to homophobia to racism. Conferences on the crisis of liberalism are as ubiquitous on college campuses as Au Bon Pain. And it is certainly true that, especially since 2008, liberal shibboleths of individual autonomy and human rights have come in for serious criticism from both the right and the left. And yet, as Daniel Luban has recently argued in these pages (“Among the Post-Liberals,” Winter 2020), it is also true that this crisis talk is overblown, and that the critique of liberalism is often more rhetorical than real. Many critics begin with an utter parody of the liberal tradition, according to which liberals view human beings as isolated monads. This allows any invocation of community to fashion itself as post-liberal, ignoring the fact that every liberal worth their salt, from Locke onward, has been committed to various forms of sociability. Much of the criticism, then, is better understood as an internal debate within the broad confines of liberalism about which forms of community ought to be valued, and why.

                The ubiquity of funeral rites for liberalism can distract attention from those few who are genuinely committed to its murder. There are intellectuals and politicians out there who are seeking to uproot liberalism, root and branch. This kind of true opposition to liberalism has a long history in our country, most prominently among apostles of legal segregation. And in our own strange times, it is mounting a comeback. This is apparent at multiple levels, from the rowdy “Proud Boys,” who stand up for the rights of white men supposedly under assault, to the genteel climes of the academy, where a number of writers and thinkers are adopting flamboyantly illiberal postures, imagining quasi-medieval visions of social harmony as an antidote to the putative aimlessness of modern consumerism. It is hard to know how seriously to take any of this. It can often seem like a bit of playacting from people who know very well that the basic structures of American society—whose liberalism allows them to speak in the first place—will remain intact. And yet, as our current president knows, the line between reality and reality TV has become blurred. Thinkers and politicians who seem to be half-joking can become, when the tide changes, deadly serious.

                One of the most serious and dangerous critics of liberalism today is a Harvard Law professor and recent Catholic convert named Adrian Vermeule. Less ambitious conservatives hope to reinvigorate Christian virtue with the tools of persuasion and localism. This has been the position of Patrick Deneen and Rod Dreher, for instance. Vermeule recognizes, rightly, that this is unlikely to work. He styles himself as a defender of “integralism”—the idea, essentially, that the state be subordinated to the Catholic Church, and that the state use its awesome power to create and defend the particular moral community that the Church imagines. The exact contours of this state are hard to discern, especially as many of his recommendations are made with a Trumpian smirk (albeit masquerading as a Swiftian one). It would certainly ban abortion and pornography, and it would likely mandate Catholic education in schools. It is hard to see what place would be made for homosexuals or religious minorities in such a state. What he has said does not bode well for religious tolerance: he has argued that atheists should not be allowed to hold office, and that Catholic immigrants be given priority over Muslims, Protestants, and Jews.

                • freagle@lemmy.ml
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                  15 days ago

                  Not sure what you mean by this? Liberalism simply promotes equal values and protections for everyone.

                  No. That’s not all liberalism is. Liberalism specifically is a denial of monarchy, which is a power system, not merely a value system. Liberalism moved the seat of power from the crown to private property. That is a fundamental pillar of liberalism. Removing private property is illiberal.

                  Owning land isn’t inherently contradictory to liberalism as long as everyone is allowed opportunity to own land

                  Correct, but private property IS contradictory to the VALUES of liberalism, and since liberalism moves power from the crown to private property, liberalism is INTERNALLY contradictory. Let’s take a very simple example of a piece of land. The legal regime that enshrines private property says that if I own a piece of property, let’s say 100 acres of forest, I can deprive literally every single human being living now and that will ever live from the benefit of the land. I can kill them for trespassing, I can hire guards to kill people who trespass. And I am one person. There are currently 8 billion people on the planet. 370,000 people are born every day. Private property says I can deprive ALL of them of this part of the planet, and I can pass that ownership down to incorporated trusts or other family members and they can continue the deprivation.

                  This is obviously contradictory to the liberty of all from a pure logic standpoint, but the reality is that private property is co-developing as common stock is developing. So now the ultra rich can accumulate ownership of land they’ve never seen, touched, or have any relationship to, but they can still fund militias to kill anyone who tries to use the land. Liberalism is why the top 1% of wealth owners on the planet own more wealth than 95% of the world population. This is the logic of liberalism. It’s in-built. It’s not because they VALUE private property - although a lot of liberal schools of thought have moved private property up to the level of value - it’s because liberalism used private property to defeat monarchism.

                  When the law is abused to favor land owners in a society and prevent others from accessing the same opportunities, it is opposed to liberalism

                  The law isn’t being abused. It is being USED. Markets are rationing tools. They INHERENTLY prevent others from accessing equal opportunities. Rationing by markets means there absolutely must be a group of people who cannot afford the same amount as other people. Otherwise, it wouldn’t be a market, it would be quota. Markets and private property and wealth accumulation are expression of individualism, which liberalism values, and markets and private property are explicitly liberal power structures. That’s why when we see the elite trying to apply markets to everything under the sun we call it “neoliberalism”, because liberalism promotes markets as the power structure for distribution despite the fact that it does NOT afford all of society to access the same opportunities.

                  So in fact, when the law protects land owners, it is quintessentially liberalism. Liberalism is NOT populism, and in fact in every liberal society you will find liberal thinkers for centuries that argued against populism. Liberalism is NOT a mass liberation philosophy. That’s what communism is, explicitly (“the doctrine of the conditions of the liberation of the proletariat”).

                  However the laws that stack the deck in favor of land owners are typically created by anti-egalitarian conservatives to ensure wealth is maintained within the same families by passing estates down from one generation to the next without taxing them.

                  See, this is why language drift is so dangerous, because it makes it so hard to have discourse and get everyone on the same page. Conservatism is a philosophy that emerged AFTER liberalism emerged specifically to reassert the monarchy. The Tories in the US revolutionary war were conservatives. They didn’t support private property as the seat of power, they didn’t support merchants rising to the top. They supported the king. It was the US revolutionaries that were the liberals, the ones what wanted to rule the land based on “merit” generally measured by who could earn the most votes and who could earn the most money and accumulate the most wealth. That’s liberalism. That’s rugged individualism. The people we call “conservatives” in the US are actually liberals in the philosophical sense. Both Democrats and Republicans support private property, support wealth accumulation, support defending private property with violence, and support markers as the means of distribution. These are the power systems of liberalism. The values are all wishy-washy and narrative. To the liberals of the American Revolution, individual freedom included the right to buy and sell slaves and no king was going to stop them from doing that. To the liberals of today, that’s distasteful, but so is abolishing private property or using the government to ration life necessities.

                  If you look at voting records, it’s the liberals in New York that stack the deck for land owners. In fact, if you look at every single state, it doesn’t matter what they call themselves, they stack the deck for land owners. Because that’s how liberalism plays out in the real world. It’s the foundation of liberalism - how does liberalism propose to promote its values? Private property and markets. The people who oppose private property and markets (communists) are considered illiberal and they are correct. The communists believe that liberalism is internally contradictory - decent values, rotten power structure. It’s illiberal to suggest that we can achieve the same or better values by abolishing private property and greatly curtailing the use of markets.

                  So filling the Senate with people who aren’t opposed to justified taxation would seem to solve that problem very quickly. Again, you seem to be inadvertently making popular arguments that are often used by the right when attacking liberalism.

                  Again, you literally can’t because the Senate is structurally designed from the beginning to prevent this. This is such an important point. 60% of the population is only represented by 24% of the Senate. The Senate was design from the beginning, by the founders, to represent the interests of the land owners explicitly to prevent populism from truncating their private property rights. You would need to redo the constitution and completely change the way the Senate is elected, which would make it effectively identical to the House (hence you might as well abolish it).

                  As for the essays you’ve cited, yes, there is a backlash against American Liberalism from American Conservatives, but as I’ve said, American Conservatives are philosophically liberal. American Liberals, for example, think the government should impinge on property rights for the greater good. American Conservatives argue that this reduces the liberty of land owners, and they are not wrong. American Conservatives also argue that it is possible to implement such controls so as to create new markets and the government would in effect pick winners and losers in the market, and they’re not wrong. This is because Liberalism, as a philosophy, is inherently contradictory.

                  But let me be more clear here. There is a 3-way fight, not a 2-way fight. It’s not Liberals against Conservatives. It’s Liberals, Reactionaries, and Communists in a 3-way fight. Liberalism did not completely eliminate the previous world order of monarchs and aristocracy. It took hundreds of years for liberalism to win against them, but there are still plenty of monarchies in the world and the aristocrats still hold on to their wealth. But, the monarchs and the aristocrats integrated with the liberal world order (see UK) because they saw within liberalism the contradiction we are talking about and they can operate within it. Fascism, too, saw the contradictions in liberalism and exploited them - using free association to organize their movement, free speech to spread hate and fear and lies, free markets to justify intervention to protect the wealth of the nation, private property to justify Germans occupying land in other countries.

                  Communism emerged as a critique of liberalism from the left. Conservatism emerged as a critique of liberalism from the right. The US is not in a battle between liberals and conservatives. It is in a battle between two factions of liberalism. And of course it is, because they purged all the monarchists and they purged all the communists. The only thing left in the country is liberalism, and the existence of a schism needs some language. It is a testament to US propaganda that the two names for the factions became “liberal” and “conservative”, both of them inaccurate in different ways but both of them completely breaking the concepts the words meant and making it impossible for you and I to have useful discourse.

                  Yes, it is well known that communist critiques of liberalism must be incredibly careful to avoid lending power to conservative critiques of liberalism, and also to reactionaries (a different category we can talk about later). But that does not mean that left critiques of liberalism are the same as right critiques.

                  • Basic Glitch@sh.itjust.worksOP
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                    15 days ago

                    Liberalism moved the seat of power from the crown to private property

                    I’m really not understanding what you mean here. Liberalism removed the seat of power from private property (the crown/monarchy) to publicly controlled power (democracy).

                    Markets are rationing tools. They INHERENTLY prevent others from accessing equal opportunities.

                    State protected monopolies and oligopolies do this.

                    Freed markets (not the monopolies calling themselves free market capitalism) would actually allow equal freedom of competition between all people. What’s inherent to both monarchs and oligarchs is the use of the state to insulate and protect themselves from competition. This is why they find liberalism and democracy so threatening.

                    To the liberals of the American Revolution, individual freedom included the right to buy and sell slaves and no king was going to stop them from doing that. To the liberals of today, that’s distasteful, but so is abolishing private property or using the government to ration life necessities.

                    You’re right. No king was going to stop them. People fighting for their rights and liberty and the rights and liberty of others (equality) and calling out the illogical reasoning and hypocrisy of slave owners, plus a war fought against oligarchs who owned slave and opposed democracy, is what ended slavery.